On Wednesday, September 7th, as the Dáil was recalled to debate the Apple tax appeal, An Taoiseach, Enda Kenny, outlined the reasons why Ireland is such an attractive country for foreign companies to locate. He discussed how “businesses choose to locate in this country because we have a proven track record in delivering a good return on investment. They do so because of the availability of a young, talented hard-working work force … because of the quality of our education system and because of the proximity to the cutting-edge Irish and International companies based here”.
It was one of just under 40 mentions of Irish higher education and its apparent value throughout the day’s debating.
As is so often the case, the statements made that day about the system bore absolutely no resemblance to the actions taken by successive governments in relation to funding, support or prioritisation of the higher education.
The assertion that a publicly funded model is the ideal but is unattainable allows politicians to do what they have always done when it comes to third-level: completely abdicate responsibility
These kinds of statements have taken on a ceremonial role in the public discourse around higher education funding. Everyone from local councillors to university presidents will tip their caps to the notion of “education for education’s sake” or the fact that “education is a public good and should be treated as such”.
However, this is usually where it ends. Any further discussion on funding brings us inevitably to loan schemes. Proponents of such models are unperturbed by what has happened in England and uninterested in the fact that most of Europe can provide world-class college education tuition free. Any attempt to discuss publicly funded education is met with eye rolls and the assertion that “of course free education is the ideal, but we can’t afford it”.
Nowhere was this attitude more apparent than during the stakeholder consultations for the Cassells Report, which often acted as if the decision to introduce fees and loans had already been made. As far as some were concerned, the only items of business were how much they could charge and when they could start.
This dangerous, unambitious attitude has infected all corners of higher education. The assertion that a publicly funded model is the ideal but is unattainable allows politicians to do what they have always done when it comes to third-level, completely abdicate responsibility.
The problem isn’t that publicly funded education is unachievable in Ireland. Of course it is. The problem is that those asking for it aren’t wealthy enough to ask for anything for free.
In fairness, the Apple tax appeal is an extreme example of successive government’s support for the wealthiest people in our society. However, it is far from the only one. One of the many things Fine Gael promised to introduce in their general election manifesto was a cut in the inheritance tax rate.
The new measure would mean that people would not pay tax on the first €500,000 of inheritance. All things being equal it appears fair enough. Unfortunately, all things are not equal, and the measure will benefit the wealthiest in society at a cost of €75 million per year. To put that in perspective, increasing the registration fee from €2,000 to €3,000 saved the government just under €70 million. Similarly, the re-introduction of the postgraduate grant would set the government back around €34 million.
I am not making the suggestion that you could swap one for the other or that either of these things exist in isolation and that any and all monies should be diverted to third-level education. However, the position of successive governments has been clear. It is more important to deliver tax cuts to the most well off in society than it is to invest in the very thing politicians claim attracts foreign direct investment.
The problem isn’t that publicly funded education is unachievable in Ireland. Of course it is. The problem is that those asking for it aren’t wealthy enough to ask for anything for free
Our leaders sat down with major corporations and hammered out deals that they knew would result in them having to pay a fraction of what they owed. They knew the deal was in place when they increased the registration fee by €1,000 and slashed grants. They knew the deal was in place when they asked Irish people to shoulder billions of euros in other people’s debts and they knew it when they told us “the worst was over”.
What is worse is that they knew it every time they went on the radio and said that the country couldn’t afford publicly funded third-level education. Every time they told us that we have to “live in the real world” or that loans were the only “realistic option for third level”.
The sad reality is that if Apple and other multinationals were to demand free education today, they would have it in the morning. Obviously, you cannot blame them for not doing so. They have a fiduciary duty to maximise profits and publicly funded education might impact on that. Besides, successive Irish governments have been more than willing to heap the cost of third-level education on young people and their families while simultaneously facilitating millions in tax avoidance for every single job a multinational creates.
Kevin Donoghue is a former President of the Union of Students in Ireland (USI).
