The movement began with high school and university blockades before taking on a national scale. Behind the blockades, the demands go far beyond education: more funding for education, the abolition of Parcoursup (the official national pre-registration platform for the first year of higher education in France created in 2018, leading to arbitrary selection), fairer access to university, but also action against the rising cost of living and the wider economic crisis.
October 17th was supposed to be the moment when these different grievances converged. High school students, university students, trade unions and former “Gilets Jaunes” (Yellow Vests) came together in the demonstrations. According to figures put forward by the authorities and the organisers, between 550,000 and 800,000 people reportedly took to the streets across France. Yet despite the largely peaceful demonstrations, the day’s events were largely diverted away from their original demands in the media, following incidents of vandalism and looting.
On the evening of Sunday, October 18th, President Emmanuel Macron addressed the French people, denouncing an attack on the Republic and pointing the finger at “far-left” groups. In the following days, the government announced restrictions on public gatherings and the possibility of imposing curfews in certain areas, at the discretion of local prefects.
In an attempt to show good faith, the government announced several measures presented as responses to the protesters’ demands. These included the abolition of Parcoursup by 2028, the creation of an additional 15,000 university places, and a limit of 28 students per high school class. However, these measures are considered insufficient given the considerable needs of the public education sector. Class sizes can only be reduced if there are enough teaching staff, while the question of what will replace Parcoursup remains uncertain. As for the additional university places, this seems woefully inadequate given the number of people who find themselves without a university place after obtaining their baccalauréat, the French secondary school leaving qualification.
The French government is playing a double game: while appearing willing to listen to protesters’ demands, it has significantly hardened its rhetoric towards the mobilisation. Sébastien Lecornu, the Prime Minister, has called on everyone to choose a side: that of the Republic and the security forces, or that of the rioters. On October 19th, Gérald Darmanin, the Minister of Justice, also emphasised the threat posed by “far-left agitators”. The Justice Minister called on prosecutors to seek pre-trial detention for those involved in the looting, while also acknowledging the State’s failures, particularly in the intelligence services.
Although looting and vandalism did occur during the protests, these incidents were a minor part of the events overall. Yet these very real events have served as the sole lens through which the government and conservatives have chosen to view the movement. The media have focused on property damage at the expense of the protesters’ demands and the numerous instances of police violence committed during blockades and demonstrations.
Similarly, the media and political leaders, seemingly unmoved by the deteriorating living conditions of the most vulnerable, have been busy targeting specific groups, particularly La France Insoumise (LFI), the main left-wing opposition force. The party has been accused of inciting violence, and even civil war, on far-right television programmes.
However, the government and the media’s claims that LFI is manipulating the movement have been undermined by an investigation published by Mediapart, the investigative news outlet, titled “We are being asked to write that LFI is behind the movement”. The publication reports that a territorial intelligence commissioner allegedly complained, in exchanges dated October 18th, that he was being explicitly asked to attribute the mobilisation to LFI, even though his colleagues considered this interpretation objectively false. The Minister of the Interior, Laurent Nuñez, denied issuing such instructions. Mediapart, whose investigative credentials are well established, is not the only source to challenge the government’s claims. Laure Beccuau, the public prosecutor, stated in an interview on TF1 on October 19th that she could not confirm that those responsible for the disturbances in Paris were indeed left-wing.
The attack in Trappes, in the Yvelines department, on October 23rd, which left one person dead, Pengo Bossio Wangi, and five injured, including a child, reflects a deteriorating political climate and tensions exacerbated by the protests. The suspect, identified in the press as Kevin Tessier, allegedly stated that he wanted to “avenge the shopkeepers” whose businesses had been looted on October 17th by targeting Black and Arab people. A copy of Mein Kampf was reportedly found at his home. The National Anti-Terrorism Prosecutor’s Office has taken over the investigation.
Although the attack did not take place on a day of demonstrations, it nevertheless occurred against the backdrop of years of hateful rhetoric directed at non-white and Muslim people in France, a rhetoric that has intensified since the protests began. Donald Trump also intervened, declaring on October 18th on his social media platform Truth Social: “France is burning! The immigration of people […] with hatred in their hearts, has shattered that once great country.” Yet, at the heart of this racist statement, Donald Trump fails to mention that the main cause of the protests in recent weeks is the deepening economic crisis that has weighed on the population for years, and which has worsened under Macron’s two presidential terms and his policies that have put public services under increasing strain.
The racist attack and repeated police violence are not the only worrying aspects of the situation in France. Indeed, on October 22nd, following a security council meeting, Macron announced his intention to ban requests to hold demonstrations from organisers he considered to lack “legitimacy”, favouring trade union organisations instead.
This position contrasts with his, now deleted, tweet from November 27th 2020: “Freedom to demonstrate. Whatever the circumstances, every citizen must be able to express their convictions and demands free from violence and pressure.” Whereas he once sought to present himself as the defender of this freedom, the President now appears to make it conditional on a form of legitimacy whose criteria the government itself intends to determine.
The crackdown has also extended to legislation. The so-called “rioters pay” bill, examined by the Senate on October 27th and 28th, provides for joint civil liability, allowing damages to be claimed from people belonging to a group involved in acts of vandalism, even if they did not personally commit them. The amount could reach €10,000 per person, with the possibility of recovering the money from certain social benefits, enough to put people off getting involved in protests.
Although Macron will not be running for reelection in 2027, the situation reflects deep political tensions, and the upcoming presidential election is on everyone’s mind, particularly those in power. By portraying LFI as a scapegoat, the government seeks to discredit a party that, according to most polls, is projected to reach the second round of the presidential election.
Nothing is yet decided. However, the strategy pursued by Macron’s political camp over nearly ten years has been to position itself as a bulwark against the extremes, both left and right. Yet the government’s recent announcements and decisions increasingly align with the positions of the right and far right.
On the part of the left, demonstrations continued on October 24th, and further calls for mobilisation on October 31st have been issued. The question remains how far the current government will take its repression, and whether the protests will continue.
