Growing up in an Irish community in the North would have you thinking that a United Ireland is the goal all Irish people aspire to. It forms the basis of Irish identity; everything else is secondary. Except this isn’t the case. Of course, there are other pressing issues, the ‘bread and butter’ concerns which shape everyday life. A United Ireland is far off, and the dismantling of the NHS and the housing crisis are pressing realities. Still, a United Ireland is the ultimate goal, isn’t it? While the Six Counties struggle under neglect, those in the Republic guard this dream, of this, presumably you are certain.
But now, you’re not so sure. Perhaps it’s the demographic of Trinity students, or Dubliners, or the Irish middle class who are quite comfortable, actually, thank you. Maybe it’s more widespread. More than once, when introduced to a ‘Northerner’, first impulse prevails and they just have to mention that they don’t think a United Ireland is a good idea. These conversations reveal apathy at best, and a preoccupation with avoiding paying more taxes. It’s doubtful whether investment into public services would ease their mind. Others fear a return to violence. Beneath these views, the ignorance, apathy, and genuine animosity, there is a sense that a United Ireland is more of an ideal held at arm’s length, than an achievable reality. To people in the Republic who are happy enough with Partition, as well as many in Britain, the North is an economic drain and political no-man’s-land.
But the desire is still there. It’s growing in the North, and even those who do not want to see Ireland united are trying to find solutions for a more sustainable future. The continual failure of both Stormont and Westminster to adequately address issues such as healthcare, public sector funding, structural inequalities, and particular violence against women in particular has led to questions of how long this can last.
A border poll might alleviate some of these problems. It might allow the government to properly attend to the needs of the people on this island. It would remove the whole of Ireland from British rule and leave it free to determine its own future with the political co-operation of its entire population. Yet, the end of Partition demands open and serious dialogue.
The Irish Government is far from perfect. Things will have to change, and for many it will be difficult to conceive of these changes. Compromises will have to be made in education, healthcare, and infrastructure. As it stands, the North relies on Westminster financially particularly in terms of funding the Executive’s budget for public service expenditure. Giving up universal healthcare, despite its decline, and subsidised prescriptions in the North is only one of the hard decisions that must be made. We cannot walk into reunification blind. That is why we must have the conversation about a United Ireland. Both formally and in the public sphere, preparations must be made, not necessarily to treat reunification as a foregone conclusion, but to have an open discussion about what it will involve. Opinion polls on the border vary in their questions; some frame it as purely hypothetical, others ask how people would vote for reunification tomorrow. That often yields less certainty. And how can people be certain if we aren’t prepared to talk about what it will look like?
The parameters for reunification have been set. We know how it is going to happen, with a border poll and a majority. We know that the time must be right to obtain both. But it is no use trying to put it off until it happens. For those who argue that it’s premature, the recent statement by British Prime Minister Andy Burnham, who said a ‘border poll [is] completely off the table’, indicated there is a significant interest in the question, even if it isn’t up to him to decide when the poll can take place. Talk of a meeting between the first ministers of Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland tells a similar story. Regardless of whether a United Ireland is five, ten, or fifty years away, it’s not an issue which will disappear if we close our eyes.
Another recent voice in favour of reunification is the US President Donald Trump. Saying, ‘“I would love to see [Ireland] unified” on his visit to Ireland, he had many Unionist politicians scrambling for excuses. Some across the country, and abroad, celebrated his apparent support, but we must be cautious. While these offhand comments have little material impact, his statements may be indicative of a wider view that a United Ireland is something to be taken lightly and can be conjured up at will. Like with Burnham, Trump cannot change the conditions that have to be met and cannot force reunification if he wanted to. If anything, his comments suggest ignorance. It is not for Trump or the US government to interfere with Ireland’s political future.
Regardless of whether you think it is inevitable, a unified Ireland which will support all of its people is not. James Connoly warned at the end of the 19th century that if nothing changes but the flag and the symbols of the state, England would still rule Ireland ‘through her capitalists, through her landlords, [and] through her financiers.’ A United Ireland is not for its own sake. It will not come from apathy, a refusal to face economic changes, nor can it be on America’s terms, which would only draw us even closer into their orbit, becoming another outpost of American imperialism.
A recurring question is that of the flag. We are notoriously fond of our flags, in all their variations, but if he has no workable system of healthcare or housing, what does any of that matter? The Irish National Anthem, iconic as it is, was written in English just over 100 years ago. It has represented the Republic well, but it’s not immutable. The flag, too, although well suited to ideals of a unified island across political standpoints, can change. It wouldn’t be the first time. These things will have to be confronted, and while they are undoubtedly important to how people perceive their nationhood, should we really privilege the idea of the nation over the reality of life on the island? Symbols and identity are unstable. If fear is derived from the unknown, then sections of the population fear what might happen to their culture and community. Talking openly and reasonably about these fears will open dialogue on a United Ireland which will embrace all of its cultural traditions, old and new.
Regardless of what you hope a United Ireland looks like, or if you want to abandon the idea altogether, we cannot afford to close our eyes and hope for the best. The realities must be faced, realities of change and of compromise, if we intend to move towards a just and sustainable future for this island. And to do so, we must begin the conversation before we can consider putting it to the polls.
