Beef has long been a source of contention in Irish politics. How could it not be? Before our pharmaceuticals and financial services, before aviation and advanced medical technology, we were almost all farmers. It was the land that fed the Irish people and put money in their pockets. As the Irish economy modernised and opened up, however, beef still played a prominent role in its transition. A new domestic beef processing industry sprang up, and the corruption that lurked within would help bring down not just one, but two governments of the late 20th century. The findings of the Beef Tribunal contributed to Albert Reynolds death by a thousand cuts. That is to say, never underestimate the potential impact of a simple cut of beef.
Unexpectedly, the current controversy has its roots in a Subway sandwich. An unassuming farmer, presumably after a long day’s work, wanders into a Subway outlet in some service station in an unnamed rural county. Seeking to support his own industry, he orders beef for his sandwich. To his horror, he finds that Subway, an American fast food chain, is using imported Brazilian beef to fill sandwiches across the Emerald Isle’s four green fields.
However, the rot goes deeper. Subway’s suppliers are Dawn Farm Foods, co-owned and operated by one Mr Larry Murrin. Murrin just so happens to be chair of Bord Bia, the semi-state body which is tasked with promoting food exports abroad, assisting farmers in finding new markets, and ensuring they get a fair share of the profits.
With just a passing glance, this looked like the height of hypocrisy. Farming organisations were informed, and calls for Murrin’s removal were swiftly dispatched. How could a man whose position centred on promoting Irish farmers and the agri-food industry in general do such a thing? Well, he was contractually obligated.
When dragged before an Oireachtas committee to answer for his transgressions, Murrin revealed that in order to secure the contract, Dawn Farm Foods had to prove that it had a sufficient backup supply of beef in case its Irish supply was unexpectedly contaminated. As a result, his company began to import a small percentage of Brazilian Beef to fulfil this obligation.
This was a serious faux pas considering the prominent role that this particular import has played in the visceral Mercosur debates. This wasn’t a good enough justification to appease the Irish Farmers Association (IFA), however. They wanted a scalp, specifically Murrin’s. There are few groups with lobbyists as doggedly devoted to their cause as the farmers.
The IFA have always been considered among the most influential of interest groups. They have significantly more political capital than any other lobbying faction in their own industry. With other interest groups looking on at the farmers in envy as the Government rolls out the red carpet for their most tenacious lobby group. It’s not been unheard of in the past for heads of the IFA to demand meetings with Taoisigh and get just that.
What the IFA did not expect, however, was for the government to continue to hold the line following their uproarious opposition. The reformed coalition is a shade different to its predecessor. To be specific, it has replaced a green hue with a group of (mostly) greying independents from the high roads and by roads of rural Ireland.
So, when the IFA and other farming organisations came to the government demanding Murrin’s resignation, they anticipated a swift removal. They were wrong. The government has dug its heels in, and Murrin seems to be here to stay. This cold shoulder has been keenly felt by the IFA, who are refusing to back down. What the farming lobby seems to have forgotten is the amount of political capital the coalition has been burning in Brussels to keep them happy.
In Brussels, Irish officials worked tirelessly to ensure that the nitrates derogation was maintained. This means that farmers can keep spreading manure, which has serious implications for the health of our waterways, but is a necessity within the industry. This involved a hefty lobbying campaign of officials at the European Commission. Just weeks after this issue was settled, the government proved itself once again to be a thorn in the EU’s side on agricultural issues when its opposition to the Mercosur trade deal proved to be unshakable despite wobbles near the end.
As a small open trading economy, Ireland’s interests naturally align with the deal but the opposition of the Agri-Food industry meant it was never going to be politically viable at home. This opposition won’t be forgotten at the commission’s highest levels, and those occupying government buildings are acutely aware of the fact.
So when the farmers came knocking again, claiming that Dawn Farm’s importation of Brazilian beef was an irrevocable breach of trust, it was clear to the Minister for Agriculture, Fine Gael’s Martin Heydon, that a line in the sand had to be drawn. The agricultural lobby is not in government; Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael are. Murrin will not go yet.
While the government has consented to a review of governance issues at Bord Bia, they are refusing to sack Murrin immediately, with the minister himself saying that he expects him to remain as Chair once the review has ended. However, this reluctance to bow before the pressure being put upon them by the lobby is a significant break, especially for a Fine Gael minister.
The IFA has traditionally been associated with the country’s big farmers, and the organisation has been aptly described by Irish Times political correspondent, Ellen Coyne, as “Fine Gael in wellies”. So, for this controversy to represent something of a breaking point is a serious departure.
So the controversy rumbles on quietly in the background as the review takes place. The opposition has seized on this particular break between the farmers and the government to make some political hay. With Sinn Féin being particularly forceful in its condemnation of both the government and Murrin, they have become the IFA’s unlikely allies.
If the IFA’s members are to become politically homeless in the event of a break with the civil war parties, Sinn Féin don’t want to leave them entirely to the devices of an insurgent Independent Ireland, who themselves are hungry for the farming vote. There are plenty of constituencies where a few transfers from disgruntled farmers might get their candidates over the line.
Irish farmers have serious and legitimate concerns about the quality and regulation of Brazilian beef that could potentially enter the Irish market and undercut them and their prices in the event of the Mercosur deal. However, demanding the resignation of Mr Murrin seems to have backfired and has led to the beginnings of a rift between the farming organisations, principally the IFA, and their natural allies in the coalition. The government has pursued an agenda which has ultimately been to the benefit of farmers, to the detriment of their own standing in Brussels with key figures in the Commission. So, I have to ask, is this the hill they’re ready to die on? There will be more battles in the future, and alienating the parties in power won’t serve their interests in the long run.
